Vladimir Lenin Quotes
No Marxist can deny that the interests of socialism are higher than the interests of the right of nations to self-determination.
Pacifism, the preaching of peace in the abstract, is one of the means of duping the working class.
It is impossible to predict the time and progress of revolution. It is governed by its own more or less mysterious laws.
If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism, we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism.
Capitalists are no more capable of self-sacrifice than a man is capable of lifting himself up by his own bootstraps.
Unity must be won, and only the workers, the class-conscious workers themselves can win it - by stubborn and persistent effort.
There are no morals in politics; there is only expedience. A scoundrel may be of use to us just because he is a scoundrel.
Those who are opposed to armed uprising ... must be ruthlessly kicked out as enemies, traitors and cowards.
The aim of socialism is not only to abolish the present division of mankind into smaller states and all-national isolation, not only to bring the nations closer to each other, but also to merge them.
Face the truth squarely. In politics that is always the best and the only correct attitude.
A party is the vanguard of a class, and its duty is to lead the masses and not merely to reflect the average political level of the masses.
Capitalism has triumphed all over the world, but this triumph is only the prelude to the triumph of labour over capital.
Human reason has discovered many amazing things in nature and will discover still more, and will thereby increase its power over nature.
We need the real, nation-wide terror which reinvigorates the country and through which the Great French Revolution achieved glory.
Don't be afraid to admit defeat. Learn from defeat. Do over again more thoroughly, more carefully, and more systematically what you have done badly.
The leaders of the petty bourgeoisie must teach the people to trust the bourgeoisie. The proletarians must teach the people to distrust the bourgeoisie.
Under socialism all will govern in turn and will soon become accustomed to no one governing.
In the end, one or the other will triumph - a funeral dirge will be sung over the Soviet republic or over world capitalism.
Capital, created by the labour of the worker, crushes the worker, ruining small proprietors and creating an army of unemployed.
If democracy, in essence, means the abolition of class domination, then why should not a socialist minister charm the whole bourgeois world by orations on class collaboration?
One of the basic conditions for the victory of socialism is the arming of the workers Communist and the disarming of the bourgeoisie the middle class.
But democracy is by no means a limit one may not overstep; it is only one of the stages in the course of development from feudalism to capitalism, and from capitalism to Communism.
False rhetoric and false boastfulness spell moral ruin and lead unfailingly to political extinction.
It is more pleasant and useful to go through the 'experience of the revolution' than to write about it.
The most important thing is to know how to awaken in the still undeveloped masses an intelligent attitude towards religious questions and an intelligent criticism of religions.
Victory will belong only to those who have faith in the people, those who are immersed in the life-giving spring of popular creativity.
Socialists cannot achieve their great aim without fighting against all oppression of nations.
We set ourselves the ultimate aim of abolishing the state, i.e., all organized and systematic violence, all use of violence against people in general.
I must say that the tasks of the youth in general, and of the Young Communist Leagues and all other organisations in particular, might be summed up in a single word: learn.
